Elbridge A. Colby Michael S. Gerson Editors Foreword by Thomas C.
The United States and many Western governments reassigned their analysts to address different threats. Scholars began to focus much less on Russia, Eastern Europe, and the former Soviet Union, instead turning their attention to East Asia among other regions.
With the descent of Ukraine into civil war, scholars and governments have lamented the fact that there are not enough scholars studying Russia, Eurasia, and Eastern Europe. Scholars must again turn their focus on this extremely important geographic area.
There remains much misunderstanding about the politics of the region. With tensions between governments at heightened levels unprecedented since the Cold War, scholarship addressing the politics of the region is extremely vital.
The Russian, Eurasian, and Eastern European Politics book series aims at remedying the deficiency in the study and understanding of the politics of Eurasia.
The study of geopolitics, especially in Eurasia, is extremely dynamic. Outside pressures such as globalization and Western soft power have challenged traditional ideologies and cultures and created new challenges for the states within the region.
Suslov and Bassin have edited an amazing volume entitled Eurasisa 2. All of the contributors of this volume add to our fundamental understanding of the politics of identity in Eurasia.
While some of the scholars examine the complex issues of defining a Eurasian identity, others examine the role of ideology in modern Eurasia. Perhaps one of the most fascinating aspects of this volume is the attention to digital media and its effect on power and influence not only in the region, but more specifically the role of digital media on some of the most important regional conflicts.
This book truly advances our understanding of the connection between various media and the construction of identity and ideologies. It is an extremely important contribution to the scholarship of not only the region, but global power politics and identity as well. Michael O. Slobodchikoff Russian, Eurasian, and Eastern European Politics Book Series Foreword Stephen Hutchings The relentless march of globalization generates contradiction, heterogeneity, and complexity at the same pace as it engenders sameness and uniformity.
One example of this complexity is the intersection of, on one hand, the global connectivity associated with the digital revolution and, on the other, the localizing effects of the rise of geopolitics as a force in international relations.
As is often the case, academic research lags behind these developments, with fields like political science and economics struggling to wean themselves from the comfortingly abstract universals of theory and acknowledge the importance of the less compliant specificities that preoccupy proponents of the still unfashionable area studies.
The fact that the results of the intersection are particularly discernible in post-Soviet space is perhaps apposite. For the fall of the Soviet Union, itself in part precipitated by globalization, and the very first posting to the Internet both occurred within the same two-week period in August It is also no coincidence that there is as yet no consensus on how the region covering the nations that emerged from the rubble of the Soviet Union should be referred to.
One reason for this is that each name is saturated with ideological significance and proves objectionable to one or other nation. It is in this sense that, as the authors of this volume have perceptively grasped, the region in question epitomizes the need for a critical geopolitics: the notion that geography is invariably bound up with politics and ideology and cannot therefore be studied neutrally.
Thus, Eurasia, for example, may appear on the surface merely to describe the landmass in which Europe merges into Asia, but from the emergence of the deeply ideological Eurasianist movement of the early twentieth century down to the foreign policy aspirations of Vladimir Putin, the term has in fact been laden with political meaning and controversy.
The title of the present volume, Eurasia 2. For it is also underpinned by a parallel insight relating to the digital revolution, and in particular its second, interactive phase.
Initial optimism about the capacity of new Web 2. They serve, in fact, as the battleground over which proponents of the two or three trends fight for supremacy: the digital geopolitics that the authors place at the center of this book. The phenomenon is well illustrated by the promotion by the Putin regime of a Russian World, with Russia as the center of a wider, Russian-speaking community, via the Runet or Russian-language Internet.
The Runet has become the point of a three-way encounter of Kremlin-supported media initiatives, the discourses of various forms of grassroots nationalism, and the online activities of the West-leaning democratic opposition.
The encounter has acquired new resonance in the context of the continuing fall-out from the Ukraine crisis of As important as Russias sudden move to annex Crimea in the aftermath of the fall of the pro-Russian Yanukovich regime in Kiev and the ensuing violence in Eastern Ukraine has been the intense information war between Russia and its Eastern Ukrainian supporters, and advocates of the new Poroshenko regime in Kiev, including much of the Western world.Introduction 9 Regions Our interest in regions as a focus for security analysis stems not only from our previous work on regional security complex theory but also from an interest in the widespread assumption that in the post-Cold War world, international relations will take on a more5/5(94).
> Mediacracy is not a democracy, it's just a kind of simulacrum. > The art of the mediacratic management is to keep the plebs > in a state of (media-)manageable telic psychosis.
The modern > Western 'democracy' is implemented in this way. It's called Maskirovka, a Russian term, and we can thank Putin. This latter development is particularly evident in the countries of post-Cold War Europe, but it is true more broadly across the globe.
Yet while the fact itself of a return of geopolitics in our own day is widely recognized, deeper questions remains as to what exactly the geopolitics in question consists of.5/5(1). Kurdistan: A viable state - II.
lausannecongress2018.com - By Mufid Abdulla Part II. International law developed to deal with newly-arising states. The French monk Emeric Cruce () elaborated the idea of having representatives of all countries meet in one place to discuss their conflicts, so as to avoid war and to create more peace.
See also David S. Yost, Strategic Stability in the Cold War: Lessons for Continuing Challenges, Paris, France: French In- stitute of International Relations (IFRI) Security Studies Center, Winter Kurdistan: A viable state - II. lausannecongress2018.com - By Mufid Abdulla Part II.
International law developed to deal with newly-arising states. The French monk Emeric Cruce () elaborated the idea of having representatives of all countries meet in one place to discuss their conflicts, so as to avoid war and to create more peace.